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沙龙去世

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:13:11 |显示全部楼层
沙龙个人履历:

1928年 2月26日:沙龙出生

1942年:参加以色列建国军事组织“哈加纳”

1947年:担任“哈加纳”教官

1956年10月:参加苏伊士运河战争

1967年:晋升少将军衔

1973年10月:在赎罪日战争中率2个师强突苏伊士运河

1975年 6月:出任以色列总理高级安全事务顾问

1981年,出任以色列国防部部长

1982年 6月:策划和指挥入侵黎巴嫩的战争

1999年:出任利库德集团党魁

2001年 3月 7日:当选以色列总理

2002年11月28日:再次当选利库德集团党魁

2003年 1月28日:成功连任以色列总理

2005年11月21日:退出利库德集团,成立以色列前进党并担任党魁

2006年 4月11日:内阁宣布沙龙因病失去总理一职,沙龙执政时代结束

2014年 1月11日:沙龙病情恶化去世,享年85岁

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:14:10 |显示全部楼层
沙龙:生于犹太复国主义家庭 信奉武力决定
阿里克·沙龙是一个有魔力的名字,无论对阿拉伯人还是对犹太人。犹太人称他为伟大的犹太战神,阿拉伯人则称他为可怕的恶魔!对于此人曾有两句著名的评价,历史学家讲到:“战火频繁的中东战场只生育了一名将军,那就是沙龙。”而时事评论家则说:“只要有沙龙存在,中东就永无安宁之日。”
1929年的8月的一天,在巴勒斯坦人和犹太人发生流血冲突最严重的特拉维夫以南卡法拉玛尔地区诞生了一名男婴,他的父亲萨缪尔·沙因纳曼是一名狂热的犹太复国主义者。这样的出生环境似乎注定沙龙将为犹太人的生存利益作战一生。6岁的时候沙龙的父亲送他一件礼物,是一根大木棒。并交给他一重要的使命:就是痛击任何胆敢进入他们家果园偷窃的孩子。他欣喜若狂的接受这样礼物和重要的使命,从此小沙龙便棒不离身。就是这样的成长过程令他有了这样的人生哲学:生存和安全必须靠武力来维护,武力决定一切!
早在中学的时候沙龙就已经加入了“加德纳”(以色列国防军的前身)。1947年,联合国通过了在巴勒斯坦建立阿拉伯国和犹太国的决议,以色列国宣告成立,阿以武装冲突随之全面爆发。正在希伯莱大学学习农业的沙龙立即放弃他的学业,正式加入了以色列国防军,从此开始他辉煌的军事生涯。
一步入军营的沙龙立刻显示出他与众不同的待人处事方法,他行为怪癖,喜怒无常,狂妄自大,冷漠无情。那些有丰富军事经验的指挥官发现这个青年人身上蕴藏着特殊的军事天赋。在各种袭击战和伏击战中沙龙表现的异常凶猛和机智过人,很快他就被提升为排长。
1948年第一次中东战争爆发,在沙龙所属亚历山大旅奉命打开通往耶路撒冷的公路,而沙龙率领其部队为开路先锋。但是这是一次失败的行动,以军伤亡惨重,沙龙也因身负重伤住进医院。他在病床上不断的回想着、分析着这次作战的经过,最后得出的结论是:以色列国防军必须建立完善的军事训练体制和一整套全新的战术原则以及建立绝对服从的军队纪律。
第一次中东战争后,沙龙被破格提升为一个由新移民组成的独立营营长。他立即把自己的军事思想付诸实施,使得这个营的整体作战素质飞速提高。他对手下士兵灌输的思想就是:要想自己人少流血就要让更多阿拉伯人去流血,他带领着这支部队作战勇猛残酷行踪诡秘。在沙龙管辖的边境地带的巴勒斯坦人是不敢随便袭击犹太人的。
1950年,沙龙精湛的军事领导才能得到了以色列军方上层的关注,他被送到当时以色列最好的军事学院深造,在这里他与教官拉宾建立了友谊。毕业后他被调到以色列国北方军区任职,不久在一次军事会议后的闲谈中北方军区的司令员独眼将军达扬说到:“我们有两名士兵被约旦军团抓去了,要是也能抓两名约旦军团的士兵回来进行俘虏交换就好了。”达扬是沙龙一直敬佩的民族英雄,第二天早上当达扬上班时,沙龙已经带来两名约旦军团的俘虏在等他。达扬将军非常惊讶,并从此记住了沙龙的名字。
1953年以色列总参谋部决定建立一支突击队,专门负责越境袭击任务,很快就提名沙龙来筹建这支队伍并任队长。沙龙在军中招募了50名身怀绝技的志愿者,从此以色列第一支特种部队就诞生了,并命名为“101部队”。沙龙和他的101部队每次行动都是动若闪电、凶狠残酷、出手既胜,101部队有一条规矩:一个犹太人流血,必须以10个阿拉伯人的血来偿还。当然每次行动中101部队对平民也是残酷屠杀,在以色列国内沙龙的101部队被视为国防军中最精锐的“军中之军”,在阿拉伯人的世界却称其为“魔鬼军团”。  

1967年5月,沙龙的部队在与埃及兵团作战中大获全胜,共全歼埃军一个步兵旅、16个炮兵连、一个装甲旅和数个地空导弹连,摧毁埃军坦克160多辆和俘虏数十名埃军军官。而自己的部队只损失160余人和19辆坦克这场战争中功勋卓著的沙龙则一举成为犹太民族的“战神”。战争结束后,沙龙因为与新任总参谋长巴列夫在国家边境防御策略上有重大分歧,被解除总参谋部部队训练指挥官的职务。到了1970年,巴勒斯坦解放组织在加沙地区的袭击犹太人的恐怖活动日益增加,达扬毫不犹豫的再次起用沙龙。在沙龙任职期间对巴解组织甚至平民都进行残酷的清洗和惨无人道的屠杀。其残忍程度立刻激起国际公愤,在以色列国内也引起了强烈的反对,沙龙不得不于1973年7月15日退出军队

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:15:07 |显示全部楼层
1973年10月,“赎罪日战争”爆发。沙龙率领的部队又是第一个进入作战前线的装甲师,在“赎罪日战争”的开始阶段以色列军面对12万埃及精锐兵团,再加上以军南部军区司令戈内姆和总参谋长阿拉扎尔全面否决沙龙的作战方案,导致以军在西奈半岛处于绝对劣势并完全失去了制空权。就在这紧急关头沙龙的装甲师镇守中线独挡埃军数个师的进攻,沙龙的部队骁勇善战,士兵都把沙龙奉若神灵,10月14日,被沙龙部队防线阻挡不能前进半步的埃军终于孤注一掷展开全线进攻,这时沙龙率领其部队巧布陷阱,激烈的战斗经过9个小时后,沙龙几乎全歼了埃及精锐王牌第21装甲师。沙龙的英勇装甲师乘胜追击于16日渡过运河直逼埃及本土,也就此扭转了整个战局。沙龙再次创造出辉煌灿烂的战史,沙龙再次成为以色列人的民族英雄。  
1974年12月沙龙出任南部军区司令,随后又担任拉宾的国家安全顾问。由于沙龙敢说敢为的性格再加上他与总参谋部水火难容,1976年沙龙辞去军队和政府的一切职务,并创组建了什洛姆恩党,当选了国会议员,并将自己的什洛姆恩党合并与以色列最大的反对党利库德集团,从此开始了他的政治生涯并成为以色列政坛的重量级人物。1981年沙龙出任以色列国防部长,上任仅仅三个月沙龙便制定了入侵黎巴嫩的“大波罗行动”计划,并且亲自化装潜入黎巴嫩进行敌后侦察,身为一个国家的国防部长这可以称“空前绝后”的了。
1982年6月,以军悍然入侵黎巴嫩。沙龙亲自到前线指挥作战,以军的攻势如入无人之境。这次战斗以军歼灭叙利亚军坦克装甲车400多辆,而以军只损失坦克40辆左右。空战战果更是让人膛目结舌,叙利亚空军的战机被击落100多架,而以色列空军只有一架战机被击落,这次战役成为现代战争史上的经典之作。沙龙的无敌雄师可以战胜任何现代化装备的敌人,但面对装备低劣的巴勒斯坦解放组织却无计可施。最终气急败坏的沙龙把他的怒火发泄到平民身上了,1982年9月16日在沙龙的默许下,亲以色列的黎巴嫩长枪党血洗了夏帝拉和萨布拉两个巴勒斯坦难民营,1000多名巴勒斯坦难民惨遭杀害。这一举动震惊了全世界,以色列国内举行了30万人的大游行,游行队伍打出了“沙龙=杀人犯”的标语。1983年沙龙只好在一片责骂声中辞去国防部长的职务。此后近20年中,沙龙在以色列政坛几经沉浮,已经成为以色列鹰派的领头人。1996年沙龙当选为利库德集团主席。沙龙曾经发誓永不与阿拉法特握手,永不与巴解组织言和,但1997年,他却会晤了死敌阿拉法特的亲密助手阿巴斯,这样又重新启动了陷入僵局的中东和平进程。

2000年9月28日,沙龙又做出一惊人之举,强行进入了耶路撒冷圣殿山上的阿克萨清真寺,引发了持续之今的以色列军警与巴勒斯坦群众流血冲突,巴以双方此前达成永久和平协议创造的所有机会,刹那间变得黯淡无光。2001年沙龙领导的以色列最大的反对党利库德集团在竞选中全面获胜,沙龙当选为以色列总理。2001年3月7日沙龙宣誓就职正式任以色列总理。沙龙领导的执政联盟在120席的国会内,控制逾半数的70席。这个被沙龙称为国家团结内阁的联合政府,组成的党派众多,并包含了不同路线,如支持推动以色列和巴勒斯坦人和解、实行中间偏左的工党,以及一些主张要将巴勒斯坦人赶出西岸和加沙的极端民族主义党派。
没有人能够知道沙龙会把耶路撒冷这块圣地上的犹太人和巴勒斯坦人带向一个什么样的21世纪?更没有人会知道战火不断的中东又会有一个什么样的21世纪?

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:24:30 |显示全部楼层
In office
March 7, 2001 – April 14, 2006*
President
Moshe Katsav
Deputy
Ehud Olmert
Preceded by
Ehud Barak
Succeeded by
Ehud Olmert
Minister of Foreign Affairs
In office
October 13, 1998 – June 6, 1999
Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu
Preceded by
David Levy
Succeeded by
David Levy
Minister of Energy and Water Resources
In office
July 8, 1996 – July 6, 1999
Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu
Preceded by
Yitzhak Levy
Succeeded by
Eli Suissa
Minister of Housing and Construction
In office
June 11, 1990 – July 13, 1992
Prime Minister
Yitzhak Shamir
Preceded by
David Levy
Succeeded by
Binyamin Ben-Eliezer
Minister of Industry, Trade and Labour
In office
September 13, 1984 – February 20, 1990
Prime Minister
Shimon Peres (1984–86)
Yitzhak Shamir (1986–90)
Preceded by
Gideon Patt
Succeeded by
Moshe Nissim
Minister of Defense
In office
August 5, 1981 – February 14, 1983
Prime Minister
Menachem Begin
Preceded by
Menachem Begin
Succeeded by
Menachem Begin
Personal details
Born
Ariel Scheinermann
February 26, 1928
Kfar MalalBritish Palestine
Died
January 11, 2014(aged 85)
Ramat Gan, Israel
Political party
Likud
(1973–1977)
Shlomtzion
(1977)
Likud
(1977–2005)
Kadima
(2005–2006)
Spouse(s)
Margalit Sharon (d. 1962);
Lily Sharon (d. 2000)
Children
3
Alma mater
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Tel Aviv University
Profession
Military officer
Religion
Judaism
Signature
Military service
Allegiance
 Israel
Service/branch
 Haganah
 Israel Defense Forces
Years of service
1948–74
Rank
 Major General
Unit
Paratroopers Brigade
Unit 101
Golani Brigade
Commands
Southern Command
Paratroopers Brigade
Unit 101
Golani Brigade
Battles/wars
Israeli Independence War
Suez Crisis
Six-Day War
Yom Kippur War
*Ehud Olmert serving as Acting Prime Minister from January 4, 2006

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:24:52 |显示全部楼层
Early life
Ariel Sharon at age 14 (second from right)
Sharon was born on February 26, 1928 in Kfar Malal, an agriculturalmoshav, then in the British Mandate of Palestine, to Shmuel Scheinerman (1896–1956) of Brest-Litovsk and Vera (née Schneirov) Scheinerman (1900–1988) of Mogilev.[10] His parents met while at university in Tiflis (now Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia), where Sharon's father was studying agronomy and his mother was studying medicine. They immigrated to Mandatory Palestine in 1922 in the wake of the Russian Communist government's growing persecution of Jews in the region. [11]
The family arrived with the Third Aliyah and settled in Kfar Malal, a socialist, secular community.[12] Although they were Mapai supporters, they did not always accept communal consensus: "The Scheinermans' eventual ostracism ... followed the 1933 Arlozorov murder when Dvora and Shmuel refused to endorse the Labor movement's anti-Revisionist calumny and participate in Bolshevic-style public revilement rallies, then the order of the day. Retribution was quick to come. They were expelled from the local health-fund clinic and village synagogue. The cooperative's truck wouldn't make deliveries to their farm nor collect produce."[13]
Four years after their arrival at Kfar Malal, the Sheinermans had a daughter, Yehudit (Dita). Ariel was born two years later. At age 10, he joined the youth movement HaNoar HaOved VeHaLomed. As a teenager, he began to take part in the armed night-patrols of his moshav. In 1942 at the age of 14, Sharon joined the Gadna, a paramilitary youth battalion, and later the Haganah, the underground paramilitary force and the Jewish military precursor to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).[12]

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:25:15 |显示全部楼层
Military careerBattle for Jerusalem and 1948 War of Independence
Sharon as a 19-year-old Haganah fighter in February 1948, armed with Mk 2 hand grenades
Sharon's unit of the Haganah became engaged in serious and continuous combat from the autumn of 1947, with the onset of the Battle for Jerusalem. Without the manpower to hold the roads, his unit took to making offensive hit-and-run raids on Arab forces in the vicinity of Kfar Malal. In units of thirty men, they would hit constantly at Arab villages, bridges and bases, as well as ambush the traffic between Arab villages and bases.
Sharon wrote in his autobiography: "We had become skilled at finding our way in the darkest nights and gradually we built up the strength and endurance these kind of operations required. Under the stress of constant combat we drew closer to one another and began to operate not just as a military unit but almost as a family. ... [W]e were in combat almost every day. Ambushes and battles followed each other until they all seemed to run together."[14]
For his role in a night-raid on Iraqi forces at Bir Adas, Sharon was made a platooncommander in the Alexandroni Brigade.[12] Following the Israeli Declaration of Independence and the onset of the War of Independence, his platoon fended off the Iraqi advance at Kalkiya. Sharon was regarded as a hardened and aggressive soldier, swiftly moving up the ranks during the war. He was shot in the groin, stomach and foot by the Jordanian Arab Legion in the First Battle of Latrun, an unsuccessful attempt to relieve the besieged Jewish community of Jerusalem. Sharon wrote of the casualties in the "horrible battle," and his brigade suffered 139 deaths. After recovering from the wounds received at Latrun, he resumed command of his patrol unit. On December 28, 1948, his platoon attempted to break through an Egyptian stronghold in Iraq-El-Manshia.[citation needed]
At about this time, Israeli founding father David Ben-Gurion gave him the name "Sharon".[15] In September 1949, Sharon was promoted to company commander (of the Golani Brigade's reconnaissance unit) and in 1950 tointelligence officer for Central Command. He then took leave to begin studies in history and Middle Eastern culture at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Sharon's subsequent military career would be characterized by insubordination, aggression and disobedience, but also brilliance as a commander.[16]
Unit 101
A year and a half later, on the direct orders of the Prime Minister, Sharon returned to active service in the rank of major, as the founder and commander of the new Unit 101, a special forces unit tasked with reprisal operations in response to Palestinian fedayeen attacks. The first Israeli commando unit, Unit 101 specialized in offensive guerrilla warfare in enemy countries.[12] The unit consisted of 50 men, mostly former paratroopers and Unit 30 personnel. They were armed with non-standard weapons and tasked with carrying out special reprisals across the state's borders— mainly establishing small unit maneuvers, activation and insertion tactics. Training included engaging enemy forces across Israel's borders.[17]
The new recruits began a harsh regimen of day and night training, their orientation and navigation exercises often taking them across the border; encounters with enemy patrols or village watchmen were regarded as the best preparation for the missions that lay ahead. Some commanders, such as Baum and Sharon, deliberately sought firefights.
— Israeli historian Benny Morris describes Unit 101.[18]
In retaliation for fedayeen attacks on Israel, Unit 101 undertook a series of raids against Jordan, which then held the West Bank. The raids also helped bolster Israeli morale and convince Arab states that the fledgling nation was capable of long-range military action.[citation needed] Known for raids against Arab civilians and military targets, the unit is held responsible for the widely condemned Qibya massacre in the fall of 1953. After a group of Palestinians used Qibya as a staging point for a fedayeen attack in Yehud that killed a Jewish woman and her two children in Israel, Unit 101 retaliated on the village.[12]
By various accounts of the ensuing attack, 65 to 70 Palestinian civilians, half of them women and children, were killed when Sharon's troops dynamited 45 houses and a school.[19][20][21]
Facing international condemnation for the attack, Ben-Gurion denied that the Israeli military was involved.[12] In his memoir, Sharon wrote that the unit had checked all the houses before detonating the explosives and that he thought the houses were empty.[20] Although he admitted the results were tragic, Sharon defended the attack, however: "Now people could feel that the terrorist gangs would think twice before striking, now that they knew for sure they would be hit back. Kibbya also put the Jordanian and Egyptian governments on notice that if Israel was vulnerable, so were they."[19]
Sharon, top second from left, with members of Unit 101 after Operation Egged (November 1955). Standing l to r: Lt. Meir Har-Zion, Maj. Arik Sharon, Lt. Gen Moshe Dayan, Capt. Dani Matt, Lt. Moshe Efron, Maj. Gen Asaf Simchoni; on ground, l to r: Capt. Aharon Davidi, Lt. Ya'akov Ya'akov, Capt. Raful Eitan



A few months after its founding, Unit 101 was merged with the 890 Paratroopers Battalion to create the Paratroopers Brigade, of which Sharon would also later become commander. Like Unit 101, it continued raids into Arab territory, culminating with the attack on the Qalqilyah police station in the autumn of 1956.[22][23]
Leading up to the Suez War, the missions Sharon took part in included:[citation needed]
  • Operation Shoshana (now known as the Qibya massacre)
  • Operation Black Arrow
  • Operation Elkayam
  • Operation Egged
  • Operation Olive Leaves
  • Operation Volcano
  • Operation Gulliver (מבצע גוליבר)
  • Operation Lulav (מבצע לולב)
During a payback operation in the Deir al-Balah refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, Sharon was again wounded by gunfire, this time in the leg.[12]Incidents such as those involving Meir Har-Zion, along with many others, contributed to the tension between Prime Minister Moshe Sharett, who often opposed Sharon's raids, and Moshe Dayan, who had become increasingly ambivalent in his feelings towards Sharon. Later in the year, Sharon was investigated and tried by the Military Police for disciplining one of his subordinates. However, the charges were dismissed before the onset of the Suez War.[citation needed]
1956 Suez War
[backcolor=initial !important]Sharon (left), armed with Ka-Bar combat knife, stands with other paratroop commandos, before Operation Olive Leaves, 1955.

In the 1956 Suez War (the British "Operation Musketeer"), Sharon commanded Unit 202 (the Paratroopers Brigade), leading the troop to take the ground east of theSinai's Mitla Pass and eventually the pass itself against the advice of superiors, suffering heavy Israeli casualties in the process.[24] Having successfully carried out the first part of his mission (joining a battalion parachuted near Mitla with the rest of the brigade moving on ground), Sharon's unit was deployed near the pass. Neither reconnaissance aircraft nor scouts reported enemy forces inside the Mitla Pass. Sharon, whose forces were initially heading east, away from the pass, reported to his superiors that he was increasingly concerned with the possibility of an enemy thrust through the pass, which could attack his brigade from the flank or the rear.
[size=94%]
[size=94%][backcolor=initial !important]
1956 Israeli conquest of Sinai



Sharon asked for permission to attack the pass several times, but his requests were denied, though he was allowed to check its status so that if the pass was empty, he could receive permission to take it later. Sharon sent a small scout force, which was met with heavy fire and became bogged down due to vehicle malfunction in the middle of the pass. Sharon ordered the rest of his troops to attack in order to aid their comrades. Sharon was criticized by his superiors and was damaged by allegations several years later made by several former subordinates, who claimed that Sharon tried to provoke the Egyptians and sent out the scouts in bad faith, ensuring that a battle would ensue.
Sharon had assaulted Themed in a dawn attack, and had stormed the town with his armor through the Themed Gap.[25] Sharon routed the Sudanese police company, and captured the settlement. On his way to the Nakla, Sharon's men came under attack from Egyptian MIG-15s. On the 30th, Sharon linked up with Eytan near Nakla.[26] Dayan had no more plans for further advances beyond the passes, but Sharon nonetheless decided to attack the Egyptian positions at Jebel Heitan.[26] Sharon sent his lightly armed paratroopers against dug-in Egyptians supported by aircraft, tanks and heavy artillery. Sharon's actions were in response to reports of the arrival of the 1st and 2nd Brigades of the 4th Egyptian Armored Division in the area, which Sharon believed would annihilate his forces if he did not seize the high ground. Sharon sent two infantry companies, a mortar battery and some AMX-13 tanks under the command ofMordechai Gur into the Heitan Defile on the afternoon of October 31, 1956. The Egyptian forces occupied strong defensive positions and brought down heavy anti-tank, mortar and machine gun fire on the IDF force.[27]Gur's men were forced to retreat into the "Saucer", where they were surrounded and came under heavy fire. Hearing of this, Sharon sent in another task force while Gur's men used the cover of night to scale the walls of the Heitan Defile. During the ensuing action, the Egyptians were defeated and forced to retreat. A total of 260 Egyptian and 38 Israeli soldiers were killed during the battle at Mitla. Due to these deaths, Sharon's actions at Mitla were surrounded in controversy, with many within the IDF viewing the deaths as the result of unnecessary and unauthorized aggression.[26]
Six-Day War and Yom Kippur War"It was a complex plan. But the elements that went into it were ones I had been developing and teaching for many years... the idea of close combat, nightfighting, surprise paratroop assault, attack from the rear, attack on a narrow front, meticulous planning, the concept of the 'tahbouleh', the relationship between headquarters and field command... But all the ideas had matured already; there was nothing new in them. It was simply a matter of putting all the elements together and making them work."



Ariel Sharon, 1989, on his command at theBattle of Abu-Ageila[28]

[[backcolor=initial !important]



The Mitla incident hindered Sharon's military career for everal years. In the meantime, he occupied the position of aninfantry brigade commander and received alaw degree from Tel Aviv University. However, when Yitzhak Rabin became Chief of Staff in 1964, Sharon began again to rise rapidly in the ranks, occupying the positions of Infantry School Commander and Head of Army Training Branch, eventually achieving the rank of Aluf (Major General).
Assigned a defensive role in the 1967 Six-Day War, Sharon, in command of the most powerful armored division on the Sinaifront, instead drew up his own complex offensive strategy that combined infantry troops, tanks and paratroopers from planes and helicopters to destroy the Egyptian forces Sharon's brigade faced when it broke through to the Kusseima-Abu-Ageila fortified area.[12]
Sharon's victories and offensive strategy in the Battle of Abu-Ageila led to international commendation by military strategists; he was judged to have inaugurated a new paradigm in operational command. Researchers at the United States Army Training and Doctrine Command studied Sharon's operational planning, concluding that it involved a number of unique innovations. It was a simultaneous attack by a multiplicity of small forces, each with a specific aim, attacking a particular unit in a synergistic Egyptian defense network. As a result, instead of supporting and covering each other as they were designed to do, each Egyptian unit was left fighting for its own life.[29]
In 1969, he was appointed the Head of IDF's Southern Command. He had no further promotions before retiring in August 1973. Soon after, he helped found the Likud ("Unity") political party.[30]
O
At the start of the Yom Kippur War on October 6, 1973, Sharon was called back to active duty along with his assigned reserve armored division. On his farm, before he left for the front line, the Reserve Commander, Zeev Amit, said to him, "How are we going to get out of this?" Sharon replied, "You don't know? We will cross the Suez Canal and the war will end over there." Sharon arrived at the front, to participate in his fourth war, in a civilian car.[31]His forces did not engage the Egyptian Army immediately, despite his requests. Under cover of darkness, Sharon's forces moved to a point on the Suez Canal that had been prepared before the war. In a move that again thwarted the commands of his superiors, Sharon's division crossed the Suez, effectively winning the war for Israel.[12] He then headed north towards Ismailia, intent on cutting the Egyptian second army's supply lines, but his division was halted south of the Fresh Water Canal.[32]

[[backcolor=initial !important]
Sharon's 143rd Divi


Abraham Adan's division passed over the bridgehead into Africa, advancing to within 101 kilometers of Cairo. His division managed to encircle Suez, cutting off andencircling the Third Army. Tensions between the two generals followed Sharon's decision, but a military tribunal later found his action was militarily effective.
Sharon's complex ground maneuver is regarded as a decisive move in the Yom Kippur War, undermining the Egyptian Second Army and encircling the Egyptian Third Army.[33]This move was regarded by many Israelis as the turning point of the war in the Sinai front. Thus, Sharon is widely viewed as the hero of the Yom Kippur War, responsible for Israel's ground victory in the Sinai in 1973.[12] A photo of Sharon wearing a head bandage on the Suez Canal became a famous symbol of Israeli military prowess.
Sharon's political positions were controversial, and he was relieved of duty in February 1974.

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:25:39 |显示全部楼层
Early political careerBeginnings of political career

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please helpimprove this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2014)
In the 1940s and 1950s, Sharon seemed to be personally devoted to the ideals of Mapai, the predecessor of the modern Labor Party. However, after retiring from military service, he was instrumental in establishing Likudin July 1973 by a merger of Herut, the Liberal Party and independent elements.[12] Sharon became chairman of the campaign staff for that year's elections, which were scheduled for November. Two and a half weeks after the start of the election campaign, the Yom Kippur War erupted and Sharon was called back to reserve service. On the heels of being hailed as a war hero for crossing the Suez in the 1973 war, Sharon won a seat to the Knesset in the elections that year,[12] but resigned a year later.
[size=94%]
[size=94%][backcolor=initial !important]
General Ariel Sharon, at the Battle of Abu-Ageila



From June 1975 to March 1976, Sharon was a special aide to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. He planned his return to politics for the 1977 elections; first, he tried to return to the Likud and replace Menachem Begin at the head of the party. He suggested to Simha Erlich, who headed the Liberal Party bloc in the Likud, that he was more fitting than Begin to win an election victory; he was rejected, however. He then tried to join the Labor Party and the centrist Democratic Movement for Change, but was rejected by those parties too. Only then did he form his own list,Shlomtzion, which won two Knesset seats in the subsequent elections. Immediately after the elections, he merged Shlomtzion with the Likud and became Minister of Agriculture.
When Sharon joined Begin's government, he had relatively little political experience. During this period, Sharon supported the Gush Emunim settlements movement and was viewed as the patron of the settlers' movement. He used his position to encourage the establishment of a network of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories to prevent the possibility of Palestinian Arabs' return of these territories. Sharon doubled the number of Jewish settlements on the West Bankand Gaza Strip during his tenure.
On his settlement policy, Sharon said while addressing a meeting of the Tzomet party: "Everybody has to move, run and grab as many (Judean) hilltops as they can to enlarge the (Jewish) settlements because everything we take now will stay ours. ... Everything we don't grab will go to them."[34]
After the 1981 elections, Begin rewarded Sharon for his important contribution to Likud's narrow win, by appointing him Minister of Defense.
1982 Lebanon War and Sabra and Shatila massacre
As Defense Minister, Sharon launched an invasion of Lebanon called Operation Peace for Galilee, later known as the 1982 Lebanon War, following the shooting of Israel's ambassador in London, Shlomo Argov. Sharon intended the operation to eradicate the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) from its state within a state inside Lebanon, but the war is primarily remembered for the Sabra and Shatila massacre.[35] In a three-day massacre between September 16 and 18, between 762 and 3,500 civilians, mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shiites, in the Sabra neighborhood and the adjacent Shatila refugee camp were killed by the Phalanges— Lebanese Maronite Christian militias.[36] Nearly all of those killed were women, children or elderly men.[37]
The Phalange militia went into the camps to clear out PLO fighters while Israeli forces surrounded the camps,[37] blocking camp exits and providing logistical support. The killings led some to label Sharon "the Butcher of Beirut".[38]
An Associated Press report on September 15, 1982 stated, "Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, in a statement, tied the killing [of the Phalangist leader Bachir Gemayel] to the PLO, saying 'it symbolises the terrorist murderousness of the PLO terrorist organisations and their supporters'."[39] Habib Chartouni, a Lebanese Christian from the Syrian Socialist National Party confessed to the murder of Gemayel, and no Palestinians were involved.
Robert Maroun Hatem, Hobeika's bodyguard, stated in his book From Israel to Damascus that Hobeika ordered the massacre of civilians in defiance of Israeli instructions to behave like a "dignified" army.[40]
The massacre followed intense Israeli bombings of Beirut that had seen heavy civilian casualties, testing Israel's relationship with the United States in the process.[37] America sent troops to help negotiate the PLO's exit from Lebanon, withdrawing them after negotiating a ceasefire that ostensibly protected Palestinian civilians.[37]
Legal findings
After 400,000 Peace Now protesters rallied in Tel Aviv to demand an official government inquiry into the massacres, the official Israeli government investigation into the massacre at Sabra and Shatila, the Kahan Commission(1982), was conducted.[12] The inquiry found that the Israeli Defense Forces were indirectly responsible for the massacre since IDF troops held the area.[37] The commission determined that the killings carried out by a Phalangist unit acting on its own, but its entry was known to Israel and approved by Sharon. Prime Minister Begin was also found responsible for not exercising greater involvement and awareness in the matter of introducing the Phalangists into the camps.
The commission also concluded that Sharon bore personal responsibility for the massacre[37] "for ignoring the danger of bloodshed and revenge [and] not taking appropriate measures to prevent bloodshed". It said Sharon's negligence in protecting the civilian population of Beirut, which had come under Israeli control, amounted to a dereliction of duty of the minister.[3] In early 1983, the commission recommended the removal of Sharon from his post as defense minister and stated:
We have found ... that the Minister of Defense [Ariel Sharon] bears personal responsibility. In our opinion, it is fitting that the Minister of Defense draw the appropriate personal conclusions arising out of the defects revealed with regard to the manner in which he discharged the duties of his office— and if necessary, that the Prime Minister consider whether he should exercise his authority ... to ... remove [him] from office."[41]
Sharon initially refused to resign as defense minister, and Begin refused to fire him. After a grenade was thrown into a dispersing crowd at an Israeli Peace Now march, killing Emil Grunzweig and injuring 10 others, a compromise was reached: Sharon agreed to forfeit the post of defense minister but stayed in the cabinet as a minister without portfolio.
Sharon's resignation as defense minister is listed as one of the important events of the Tenth Knesset.[42]
In its February 21, 1983 issue, Time published an article implying that Sharon was directly responsible for the massacres.[43] Sharon sued Time for libel in American and Israeli courts. Although the jury concluded that the Time article included false allegations, they found that Time had not acted with "actual malice" and so was not guilty of libel.[44]
On June 18, 2001, relatives of the victims of the Sabra massacre began proceedings in Belgium to have Sharon indicted on alleged war crimes charges.[45] Elie Hobeika, the leader of the Phalange militia who carried out the massacres, was assassinated in January 2001, several months before he was scheduled to testify for a trial, that may or may not have proceeded in Belgium.[46] In June 2002, a Brussels Appeals Court rejected the lawsuit because the law was subsequently changed to disallow such lawsuits unless a Belgian citizen is involved.[47]
Political downturn and recovery[size=88%]
"I begin with the basic conviction that Jews and Arabs can live together. I have repeated that at every opportunity, not for journalists and not for popular consumption, but because I have never believed differently or thought differently, from my childhood on. ... I know that we are both inhabitants of the land, and although the state is Jewish, that does not mean that Arabs should not be full citizens in every sense of the word."


Ariel Sharon, 1989[48]


After his dismissal from the Defense Ministry post, Sharon remained in successive governments as a minister without portfolio (1983–1984),Minister for Trade and Industry (1984–1990), and Minister of Housing Construction (1990–1992). In the Knesset, he was member of the Foreign Affairs and Defense committee (1990–1992) and Chairman of the committee overseeing Jewish immigration from the Soviet Union. During this period he was a rival to then prime minister Yitzhak Shamir, but failed in various bids to replace him as chairman of Likud. Their rivalry reached a head in February 1990, when Sharon grabbed the microphone from Shamir, who was addressing the Likud central committee, and famously exclaimed: "Who's for wiping out terrorism?"[49] The incident was widely viewed as an apparent coup attempt against Shamir's leadership of the party.
In Benjamin Netanyahu's 1996–1999 government, Sharon was Minister of National Infrastructure (1996–98), andForeign Minister (1998–99). Upon the election of the Barak Labor government, Sharon became leader of the Likud party.
Campaign for Prime Minister, 2000–2001
On September 28, 2000, Sharon and an escort of over 1,000 Israeli police officers visited the Temple Mountcomplex, site of the Dome of the Rock and al-Aqsa Mosque, the holiest place in the world to Jews and the third holiest site in Islam. Sharon declared that the complex would remain under perpetual Israeli control. Palestinian commentators accused Sharon of purposely inflaming emotions with the event to provoke a violent response and obstruct success of delicate ongoing peace talks. On the following day, a large number of Palestinian demonstrators and an Israeli police contingent confronted each other at the site. According to the U.S. State Department, "Palestinians held large demonstrations and threw stones at police in the vicinity of the Western Wall. Police used rubber-coated metal bullets and live ammunition to disperse the demonstrators, killing 4 persons and injuring about 200." According to the GOI, 14 policemen were injured.[citation needed]
Sharon's visit, a few months before his election as Prime Minister, came after archeologists claimed that extensive building operations at the site were destroying priceless antiquities. Sharon's supporters claim that Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian National Authority planned the Second Intifada months prior to Sharon's visit.[50][51][52] They state that Palestinian security chief Jabril Rajoub provided assurances that if Sharon did not enter the mosques, no problems would arise. They also often quote statements by Palestinian Authority officials, particularly Imad Falouji, the P.A. Communications Minister, who admitted months after Sharon's visit that the violence had been planned in July, far in advance of Sharon's visit, stating the intifada "was carefully planned since the return of (Palestinian President) Yasser Arafat from Camp Davidnegotiations rejecting the U.S. conditions".[53] According to the Mitchell Report,
the government of Israel asserted that the immediate catalyst for the violence was the breakdown of the Camp David negotiations on 25 July 2000 and the "widespread appreciation in the international community of Palestinian responsibility for the impasse." In this view, Palestinian violence was planned by the PA leadership, and was aimed at "provoking and incurring Palestinian casualties as a means of regaining the diplomatic initiative."
The Mitchell Report found that
the Sharon visit did not cause the Al-Aqsa Intifada. But it was poorly timed and the provocative effect should have been foreseen; indeed, it was foreseen by those who urged that the visit be prohibited. More significant were the events that followed: The decision of the Israeli police on 29 September to use lethal means against the Palestinian demonstrators.
In addition, the report stated,
Accordingly, we have no basis on which to conclude that there was a deliberate plan by the PA to initiate a campaign of violence at the first opportunity; or to conclude that there was a deliberate plan by the GOI to respond with lethal force.[54]
The Or Commission, an Israeli panel of inquiry appointed to investigate the October 2000 events,
criticised the Israeli police for being unprepared for the riots and possibly using excessive force to disperse the mobs, resulting in the deaths of 12 Arab Israeli, one Jewish and one Palestinian citizens.
A survey conducted by Tel Aviv University's Jaffe Center in May 2004 found that 80% of Jewish Israelis believed that the Israel Defense Forces had succeeded in militarily countering the Al-Aqsa Intifada.

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发表于 2014-1-15 12:26:04 |显示全部楼层
Prime minister
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President George W. Bush, center, discusses the Middle East peace processwith Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel, left, and Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas in Aqaba, Jordan, June 4, 2003.
Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas, United States President George W. Bush, and Ariel Sharon, Red Sea Summit, Aqaba, June 2003
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After the collapse of Barak's government, Sharon was elected Prime Minister in February 2001, defeating Barak 68 percent to 32 percent.[12] Sharon's senior adviser was Raanan Gissin. In his first act as prime minister, Sharon invited the Labor Party to join in a coalition with Likud.[12]
In September 2003, Sharon became the first prime minister of Israel to visit India, saying that Israel regarded India as one of the most important countries in the world. Some analysts speculated on the development of a three-way military axis of New Delhi, Washington, D.C. and Jerusalem.[56]
On July 20, 2004, Sharon called on French Jews to emigrate from France to Israel immediately, in light of an increase in French antisemitism(94 antisemitic assaults were reported in the first six months of 2004, compared to 47 in 2003). France has the third-largest Jewish population in the world (about 600,000 people). Sharon observed that an "unfettered anti-Semitism" reigned in France. The French government responded by describing his comments as "unacceptable", as did the French representative Jewish organization CRIF, which denied Sharon's claim of intense anti-Semitism in French society. An Israeli spokesperson later claimed that Sharon had been misunderstood. France then postponed a visit by Sharon. Upon his visit, both Sharon and French President Jacques Chirac were described as showing a willingness to put the issue behind them.[citation needed]
Unilateral disengagementMain article: Israel's unilateral disengagement plan
In September 2001, Sharon stated for the first time that Palestinians should have the right to establish their own land west of the Jordan River.[12] In May 2003, Sharon endorsed the Road Map for Peace put forth by the United States, European Union, and Russia, which opened a dialogue with Mahmud Abbas, and announced his commitment to the creation of a Palestinian state in the future.
He embarked on a course of unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, while maintaining control of its coastline and airspace. Sharon's plan was welcomed by both the Palestinian Authority and Israel's left wing as a step towards a final peace settlement. However, it was greeted with opposition from within his own Likud party and from other right wing Israelis, on national security, military, and religious grounds.
Disengagement from Gaza
On December 1, 2004, Sharon dismissed five ministers from the Shinui party for voting against the government's 2005 budget. In January 2005, Sharon formed a national unity government that included representatives of Likud, Labor, and Meimad and Degel HaTorah as "out-of-government" supporters without any seats in the government (United Torah Judaism parties usually reject having ministerial offices as a policy). Between August 16 and 30, 2005, Sharon controversially expelled 9,480 Jewish settlers from 21 settlements in Gaza and four settlements in the northern West Bank. Once it became clear that the evictions were definitely going ahead, a group of conservative Rabbis, led by Yosef Dayan, placed an ancient curse on Sharon known as thePulsa diNura, calling on the Angel of Death to intervene and kill him. After Israeli soldiers bulldozed every settlement structure except for several former synagogues, Israeli soldiers formally left Gaza on September 11, 2005 and closed the border fence at Kissufim. While his decision to withdraw from Gaza sparked bitter protests from members of the Likud party and the settler movement, opinion polls showed that it was a popular move among most of the Israeli electorate, with more than 80 percent of Israelis backing the plans.[57] On September 27, 2005, Sharon narrowly defeated a leadership challenge by a 52–48 percent vote. The move was initiated within the central committee of the governing Likud party by Sharon's main rival, Benjamin Netanyahu, who had left the cabinet to protest Sharon's withdrawal from Gaza. The measure was an attempt by Netanyahu to call an early primary in November 2005 to choose the party's leader.
Founding of Kadima
On November 21, 2005, Sharon resigned as head of Likud, and dissolved parliament to form a new centrist party called Kadima ("Forward"). November polls indicated that Sharon was likely to be returned to the prime ministership. On December 20, 2005, Sharon's longtime rival Netanyahu was elected his successor as leader of Likud.[58] Following Sharon's incapacitation, Ehud Olmert replaced Sharon as Kadima's leader, for the nearing general elections. Likud, along with the Labor Party, were Kadima's chief rivals in the March 2006 elections.
Sharon's stroke occurred a few months before he had been expected to win a new election and was widely interpreted as planning on "clearing Israel out of most of the West Bank", in a series of unilateral withdrawals.[4][5][6]
In the elections, which saw Israel's lowest-ever voter turnout of 64 percent[59] (the number usually averages on the high 70%), Kadima, headed by Olmert, received the most Knesset seats, followed by Labor. The new governing coalition installed in May 2006 included Kadima, with Olmert as Prime Minister, Labor (including Peretz as Defense Minister), the Gil (Pensioner's) Party, the Shas religious party, and Israel Beytenu.
Alleged fundraising irregularities and Greek island affair
During the latter part of his career, Sharon was investigated for alleged involvement in a number of financial scandals, in particular, the Greek Island Affair and irregularities of fundraising during the 1999 election campaign. In the Greek Island Affair, Sharon was accused of promising (during his term as Foreign Minister) to help Israeli businessman David Appel in his development project on a Greek island in exchange for large consultancy payments to Sharon's son Gilad. The charges were later dropped due to lack of evidence. In the 1999 election fundraising scandal, Sharon was not charged with any wrongdoing, but his son Omri, a Knesset member at the time, was charged and sentenced in 2006 to nine months in prison.
To avoid a potential conflict of interest in relation to these investigations, Sharon was not involved in the confirmation of the appointment of a new attorney general, Menahem Mazuz, in 2005.
On December 10, 2005, Israeli police raided Martin Schlaff's apartment in Jerusalem. Another suspect in the case was Robert Nowikovsky, an Austrian involved in Russian state-owned company Gazprom's business activities in Europe.[60][61][62][63]
According to Haaretz, "The $3 million that parachuted into Gilad and Omri Sharon's bank account toward the end of 2002 was transferred there in the context of a consultancy contract for development of kolkhozes (collective farms) in Russia. Gilad Sharon was brought into the campaign to make the wilderness bloom in Russia by Getex, a large Russian-based exporter of seeds (peas, millet, wheat) from Eastern Europe. Getex also has ties with Israeli firms involved in exporting wheat from Ukraine, for example. The company owns farms in Eastern Europe and is considered large and prominent in its field. It has its Vienna offices in the same building as Jurimex, which was behind the $1-million guarantee to the Yisrael Beiteinu party."[64]
On December 17, police announced that they had found evidence of a $3 million bribe paid to Sharon's sons. Shortly after the announcement, Sharon suffered a stroke.

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